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关于伊丽莎白级新航母是用F35B还是C型的争论 Forward to Plan B March 14, 2012 "...Depending on your view point you might see the Short Take off and Vertical Landing capability of the F35B to be operationally useful or a gimmick but it is really not the issue, it’s a pros and cons type situation with no right or wrong answer, there are implications though. Regardless of the performance benefits, what were these extra costs and risks associated with going back to having ‘proper carriers’ Deck Crew; estimates vary but a solid assumption is that conventional carrier operations need more deck crew that STOVL; shore accommodation, welfare, pensions, pay and all the other capitation costs we know about. Some of these can be mitigated with sharing arrangements but fundamentally, it is an additional cost. Flight Crew; although synthetic environments and the F35’s flight control systems hold a great deal of promise, the assumption must be that maintaining carrier qualifications will require more aircraft, more aircrew and more time. This drives up cost or reduces availability. Where that relationship settles is open for discussion but the basic assumption should be we will need more time/crew or accept less mission availability and reduce the ability to rapidly surge in a crisis. Catapults and Arrestor Gear; no sensible option exists other than the US EMAL’s and associated recovery equipment which is an additional capital cost and significant through life cost. Certainly cheaper than steam but still a considerable extra cost although the risk of it failing to deliver seems remote. Doubts on the second carrier; by putting additional costs and delay into the programme something had to give and that something was the second carrier. Operating one carrier with F35C’s might provide a performance uplift over F35B’s but if our loan carrier is in refit or has an accident it doesn’t matter what performance advantage there is. Relying on the French might seem a reasonable option if one’s head is firmly in the sand but does anyone else think will see Rafale’s providing cover for a UK only operation? Deck Handling and the CEPP; carrier strike has morphed into Carrier Enabled Power Projection (who thinks these up by the way, is there a training course one attends?) which is a blend of carrier borne fast jets, helicopters and in the future UAV’s, supported by other capabilities and force elements. The Royal Navy openly admit that the move to conventional aircraft handling will complicate matters in this regard, noting in evidence to a House of Commons Select Committee that no other maritime force will be doing this and that the challenges are significant. With STOVL aircraft the deck movement challenges are much fewer and we have a deep well of experience from which to draw. Recovery Refuelling; if we operate the CTOL F35C we need a means of safely providing emergency recovery refuelling but given that no customer exists for the F35C except the USN and they have plenty of other options we would have to fund that ourselves. This would not be an insurmountable problem but at what cost? Interoperability; the SDSR made great play of interoperability but this only means the US and French maritime forces, the F35B allows us to work with the USMC, Italian and Spanish forces, maybe Australians in the future, in addition to the US and French Navies, plus a number of other prospective F35B buyers and at the very least we would be able to carry out an emergency recovery of an F35B on almost any vessel in the fleet. I would also ask whether the performance difference between the F35C and F35B is in a REALISTIC operational context are really that significant. I personally don’t think they are so in light of the extra costs and other risks; simply don’t think it was worth it...." There is a lot more of the total blog post at the URL.
少将对南海提五条建议 来源凤凰网: 罗援强调,解决领土问题,不能完全依靠军事解决,但军事可以做后盾。 罗援建议,用五个存在突显主权归我。 第一个就是行政存在,罗援建议,在南海地区设立特别行政区,同时在东沙、西沙、南沙设县,任命行政官员,而全国人大代表或者全国政协委员要到南海巡视,这能体现我们的行政管辖权。 第二个是法律存在,南海九条断续线,要尽快确立其法律地位。 第三个是军事存在,中国要在能够驻军的地方驻军,不能驻军的地方要设立我们的主权标志,比如立权碑、国旗等,同时要让我们的军舰对这些地方进行巡逻。因为这是中国的边疆领土,应该有国防存在。 第四个是经济存在,罗援建议,鼓励中国渔民,到南海去渔业作业,居民要去南海生活生产,中海油和中石油在南海开展勘探平台。罗援说,现在的主权概念也要拓展,除了领土领海岛礁外,还要有海上的浮动国土,勘探平台就是浮动的国土。 第五个就是舆论存在,一个岛屿的归属,国际法上明确具备四大要素,谁最先发现,谁最先命名,谁最先管辖,国际上是否予以承认。罗援说,最先发现这个方面,中国有历史记载,最早在中国的汉朝志上就有“千里长沙”的字句。最先命名方面,中国在1932年、1935年,对南海的132个岛礁给予了命名。实施管辖方面,中国抗战结束以后,根据开罗宣言等,当时有高级官员去南海巡视,这个人就是林则徐的后代。国际认可方面,从统计来看,国际社会有200多个权威百科全书和地图,都把南海南沙划入中国的疆土之内。
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